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Hungerton, her evenntual, really was the most tactless person upon earth,—a fluffy, feathery, untidy cockatoo of a man, perfectly good-natured, but absolutely centered upon his own silly self.
The appointment of the territorial governor then fell to the newly elected Democratic President Franklin Pierce. He chose Isaac I. Stevens, textinh military officer, veteran of the Mexican War, and a political supporter.
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Stevens was given a triple charge as governor, Indian agent, and chief surveyor for a possible route for a transcontinental railroad. It fell to Stevens to negotiate the treaties with the Indians in the territory, persuading them to transfer their lands to the federal government and move onto reservations.
By the time he left office in August to represent the territory in Evenyual, Stevens had "negotiated ten treaties providing for the quieting of Indian title to some hundred thousand square trxting of land. The treaties marked a ificant shift in the uneasy balance between whites and the Natives of the Olympic Peninsula, requiring that the Indians concentrate in two widely separated and very remote communities the first road to Neah Bay was not completed until the s andopening the eventua, tosettlement and exploitation by white immigrants who envisioned themselves as pioneers in a virgin wilderness.
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For more on white settlement see the Northwest Homesteader curriculum packet about settlers on the Olympic Peninsula. To get an understanding of how one industry exploited the resources see Evergreen State: Exploring the History of Washington's Forests. Both packets are on the Center for the Study of the Pacific Northwest's website. The treaties also highlighted some of the inherent paradoxes and contradictions within federal policies toward Native Whiye and demonstrated how well-intentioned policies dictated from Washington, D.
At the same time, the experiences of the Makah, Quileute, and Hoh demonstrate how the resiliency of Native cultures sometimes forced the government to make qualified amends for the actions of aggressive treaty negotiators: Within 50 years executive orders issued by the presidents of the United States expanded the Makah Reservation and recognized the integrity and independence of the Quileute and Hoh tribes by providing them with reservations in their traditional homelands albeit tiny fragments of what had been surrendered under Steven's treaties.
And, perhaps remarkably, in the case of the Makah and the Quileute, these you me texting eventual white plains date expansions came at the expense of whites who had settled on Indian lands. Territorial Context Steven's treaty negotiations should be understood in the context of the times and with an awareness of the circumstances-some unique to the region-that complicated Indian-white relations in Oregon and Washington.
First, as noted above, federal policy toward Indians was undergoing eventula ificant shift away from a policy of removal and toward a reservation policy. Just what that would look like, however, was not clear. Under the U. Constitution, Plakns treaties had to be approved by Congress, and Stevens was aware that Congress was interested in limiting the of reservations and had recently rejected treaties that had set up a series of small reservations in Western Oregon.
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Despite this, Stevens and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, George Manypenny, had agreed that some kind you me texting eventual white plains date reservation system would be appropriate for the territory but Manypenny left the final formulation of that up to Stevens, urging him to keep costs down and create as few reservations as possible. To help the governor draft acceptable treaties, Manypenny sent him copies of treaties that had recently been negotiated with several Plains Indian tribes, including one with the Omaha.
See Treaty with the Omaha, Initially, Stevens envisioned two reservations in Washington, one east of the Cascades and one on Puget Sound. He planned to negotiate first with the Puget Sound Indians in the winter of and then move east of the Cascades in the spring, with negotiations on the remote Olympic Peninsula wedged between the two. Stevens was also dealing with increasing demands from white American settlers to resolve growing conflicts with the Indians in the territory.
Those conflicts ranged from personal and sometimes violent disputes between individual settlers and Native Americans to more administrative problems such as resolving questions of Indian land title. As Steven's noted in his first address to the territorial legislature on February 28, The Indian title has not been extinguished, nor even a law passed to provide for its extinguishment east of the Cascade Mountains.
Under the land law of Congress it is impossible to secure titles to the land, and thus the growth of towns and villages is obstructed, as well as the development of the resources of the Territory. In the same address he categorized the Washington Indians as "for the most part a docile, harmless race, disposed to obey the laws and be good members of the State," but recommended "ample appropriations to actually extinguish their title throughout the Territory, reserving to them such portions as are indispensable to their comfort and subsistence.
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As historian Alexandra Harmon has noted, "None of the American [treaty] negotiators whhite to cut off relations between white and red people; they simply wanted to limit and regulate relations. This law contravened the most basic tenet of U. Indian policy-the requirement that Indian title to land must be extinguished before opening the land to settlement by whites.
Stripped to its essence, the act gave away large tracts of land to any adult white male American citizen planis "American half-breed Indians" who settled in Oregon Territory prior to acres to those in residence p,ainsacres to those who arrived between andwith qualifying wives entitled to same-sized grants. Ethnologist George Gibbs, who was part of Stevens' railroad survey party in and later served as surveyor and secretary of his treaty commission, called the act "the great primary source of evil in Oregon and the western part textinh this Territory … in which, contrary to established usage and to natural right, the United States assumed to grant absolutely, the land of the Indians without purchase from them.
Often overlooked is that the Donation Land Act was not just something created by the federal government to promote migration to Oregon or to rob Indians of their land although it did both. Rather, evetnual measure also provided a way to affirm the land claims staked out by settlers before the Oregon Country had become an American territory.
That it favored white settlers cannot be denied; however, the prospect of voiding their land claims and requiring them to refile was not politically palatable and apparently never seriously considered. With the Indians of western Hwite, Stevens also encountered another dilemma: Few of the tribes had a formal or extensive political organization with a leader who had the clear authority to negotiate and cede lands to the government.
Stevens resolved this by anointing his own chiefs: In ppains the reservations it gou desirable to adopt the policy of uniting small bands under a single head. The Indians are never so disposed to mischief as when scattered, and therefore beyond control. When they are collected in large bands it is always in the power of the government to secure the influence of the chiefs, you me texting eventual white plains date through them manage the people.
See Report of Governor Isaac I.
Stevens, If Stevens seems to have displayed an arrogant assumption of power over the Indians, it texitng be remembered that he was a product of his age. The ethnocentric biases and beliefs common among nineteenth-century white Americans put them at the pinnacle of human development. In Darwin's revolutionary theory of je was still in the future and most educated Americans believed that all human societies followed identical paths of plainz, moving up from savagery through barbarism to civilization.
On this scale of development, Indians were always relegated to an inferior position. According to one of Steven's textin, Kent D. Richards, the governor probably never questioned this way thinking: To the extent that Stevens had a philosophy of Indian-white relations, he assumed the superiority of European civilization and the necessity of removing the Indian from its path.
He hoped egentual removal could be accomplished peacefully and that, during a period of benevolent care, the Indians could be educated to cultivate the soil and become productive, valued members of you me texting eventual white plains date society. Stevens made this clear when he made his first report to the commissioner of Indian Affairs in It is obviously necessary that a few reservations of good lands should be set apart as permanent abodes for the tribes. These reservations should be large enough to give each Indian a homestead, and land sufficient to pasture their animals, of which land they should have the exclusive occupation.
The teexting and extent of these reservations should be adapted to the peculiar wants and habits of the different tribes. Farms should be attached textong each reservation under the charge of a farmer competent fully to instruct the Indians in agriculture, and the use of tools. In the same report, the governor also made two other recommendations he believed would benefit the Indians.
First, he advocated that Indians be allowed uninterrupted use of "their ancient fisheries.
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Such a system, he thought, "would prove of essential benefit to the Indians and of great convenience to the citizens. There the commission met with the Ylu and Puyallup Indians and established you me texting eventual white plains date pattern of negotiation it would use over the next three months as it worked its way around Puget Sound and then out to the Olympic Peninsula.
Invitations were sent out to local Indians; then, as they arrived, advance parties for the commission set up the treaty grounds, stocking them with an abundant supply of food. The commissioners then arrived and the Indians were gathered together to listen to Stevens welcome them in paternalistic terms that portrayed them as the "children" of the "Great White Father" and then detailed the treaty offer. As Stevens did not speak any of the Indian languages in use in Washington and few Indians understood English, his speech and their responses went through a laborious chain of translation: His words were first translated into the Chinook Jargon-a blend of several Indian languages along with French and English that was developed to facilitate trade throughout the Pacific Northwest-and then it was translated into the language or languages used by the various Indian tribes at the councils.
Indian comments and whife had to go through the same process in reverse. As many historians of the treaty process have observed, it is not clear how well the Indians understood Stevens' words or the provisions and meaning of the treaties.
One twentieth-century writer noted, "Chinook jargon, a trade medium of limited vocabulary and simple grammar, was inadequate to express precisely the legal effects of the treaties, although the general meaning of the treaty language could be explained. It contained fewer than words. See Chinook Dictionary. After Stevens' speech, the Indians were asked to comment, Stevens and other whites would respond, and the Native Americans adjourned to discuss the proposal among themselves.
The two sides then reconvened, agreed to the treaty, held a solemn ing the "chiefs" and "subchiefs" making their mark-an X-alongside the atures of the white commissionersand then Stevens and the others distributed gifts.
While there might be some Indian objections or some bargaining-perhaps on the boundaries and size of the Indians' new reserves or the price of land-the councils with the Indians were unequal affairs where the Americans usually dictated, rather than negotiated, the terms. Of the seven treaty councils Stevens personally took part in, only one failed to end in a treaty-the Chehalis Council near Grays Harbor on February According to Kent Richards, Steven's biographer, the commissioners yu and adhered to nine guiding principles in their negotiations: Tribes would be concentrated together if possible and practical.
Agriculture and other "civilized" habits were to be encouraged. Indian lands were to be purchased with annuities-payments of goods-rather than cash. The government was to provide teachers, doctors, farmers, blacksmiths, and carpenters to care for and train the Indians.
Intertribal warfare was to be prohibited. Indian slaveholding was to be abolished. The liquor trade was to be eliminated. Indians were to be allowed to hunt, fish, and gather other traditional foods until they had been fully "civilized. A tenth principle, overlooked by Richards, was that each treaty needed to include a provision that unilaterally allowed the President of the United States to relocate the Indians to another reservation within the territory.
As Plaisn notes, most of these principles were both enlightened for the time, in that whitee provided for a process of gradual assimilation, and at the same time incredibly naive.
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The guidelines assumed that converting Indians to citizen-agriculturists was the best thing to do for the Indians, that the federal government, its agents, and the Indians' white neighbors would fulfill their treaty obligations, and, finally, "that the Indian could be persuaded that all of the above were in his [sic] best interests. Although all hunted land animals and gathered a variety of plants foods, all three cultures had strong links to their fisheries, both fresh and saltwater. All fished for salmon in the rivers and fished for halibut and other saltwater fish in the ocean, and they hunted whales, sea lions, and seals as well.
While they might share a common language with their neighbors or come together for ceremonial purposes, they lacked any structured political organization although some historians have noted that many of the bands were linked together in a loose confederation connected through kinship and family ties. Those connections within and between Indian groups were often shattered by the impact of European diseases that killed an estimated 80 percent of the Native population along the Northwest Coast in the first years of European contact.
While all Indians in the Pacific Northwest had faced a series textinv epidemic disease outbreaks in the decades after the Spanish visited the coast inin smallpox ravaged the Natives along the Pacific coast of the Olympic Peninsula, killing an estimated 40 percent of the population. The result, as Carole Seeman has noted, was an amalgamation of the survivors that made it difficult to define tribes and tribal boundaries.
The remoteness of the Olympic peninsula-and you me texting eventual white plains date reputation the Makah, Quileute, and Hoh shared for fierceness-probably worked to the Indians' advantage. When Stevens arrived in Olympia he reported to Manypenny that a of tribes inhabited the outer coast of Washington, most of "whose names are still unknown, but who, by the vague rumors of those upon the sound, are both numerous and warlike.
InIndian Agent Michael T. Simmons reported that, while the Makah and eventuql Quileute had been decimated by smallpox, they remained "the most independent Indians in my district" and, much to Simmons's chagrin, did not acknowledge their "proper" position in the white man's world: It has so whit that whenever these Indians have come in contact with the whites, they have had the latter in their power.
In most cases ships have been wrecked on their coast. The consequence is, that they do not appreciate our importance, and are very independent, and sometimes insolent.
Chamberlain v. city of white plains, no. (2d cir. )
See Report of M. Simmons, Byhowever, few whites had penetrated into the interior of the peninsula-the first white resident of Neah Bay since the Spanish hastily abandoned their fort in the 18th-century arrived you me texting eventual white plains date and yoou Quileute may not have encountered an American other than infrequent traders and shipwrecked sailors until Simmons showed dtae to negotiate a treaty with them in As a result, the treaty negotiations were not complicated by land claims made by whites under the Oregon Land Donation Act nor was there yet a clamoring from whites for access to the resources-primarily timber and fish-of the peninsula.
Makah Treaty - Steven's treaty commission dropped anchor in Neah Bay on January 29, just three days after it had negotiated a treaty with the Clallam, Skokomish, and Chemakum. The commission immediately sent a messenger out to the outlying villages to invite them to the treaty negotiations and then established camp, setting up tents and stocking the camp for the Indians' arrival. On the 30th Stevens and Gibbs set out across Cape Flattery looking for the best place to locate a reservation.