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About

Fall of the Rana Dynasty and Social Change in the Tarai The Rana dynasty ended inand Nepal thereafter had a short period of parliamentary democracy. Inhowever, King Mahendra declared the democratic system a failure. He dissolved the cabinet, arrested the ministers and in introduced the panchayat system, a "guided democracy" which was "more suitable to the Nepalese context". This system was composed of the king and four levels of councils panchayat elected at village, district, region and state levels. The national parliament Panchayat Raaj discretee of independent members, elected by adult suffrage as well as appointed representatives of different classes and professional organisations Sever Both the nation-state and the national identity were based on the concept that all citizens were "one and the same" in a Vaishnavite devotional context.

Description

Social mobility has been and is possible, and many studies have shown how various castes have improved their social status within the caste hierarchy. I processes are known as "Sanskritisation" cf. Srinivaswhich is explained as "the acceptance of the rites, beliefs, ideas, and values of the great tradition of Hinduism as embodied in the sacred books" ibid.

Bailey Common for both "Sanskritisation" and caste-climbing, is that they are mostly in accordance with Vedic Hinduism and the classical varna ideology. In a caste system, groups are ranked hierarchically according to their relative ritual purity. This ranking is defined on the basis of a common ideology, something which distinguishes a caste system from other multi-ethnic sytems.

Although discrete sex chat in sarki khel of castes also sometimes describe their sense of distance from other castes in terms of culture or values, there is not much to gain in srki to call castes ethnic groups cf. Searle-Chatterjee and Sharma Ethnicity and the Communication of Cultural Differences The term ethnic group has become well-established in anthropological writings on Nepal. It has replaced the term "tribe", which was commonly used to denote culturally distinct groups, which were not integrated in a caste system.

Some authors on Nepal have used the term ethnic group as an antonym of caste or caste society in the same sense as the term "tribe" is employed with reference to India. Chzt below Like castes, membership in an ethnic group is also ascribed by birth. But as a form of social organisation, an ethnic group differs from that of a caste. Castes, I have argued, are ranked hierarchically according to ritual status, whereas ethnic groups regard themselves as culturally distinct social groupings cf.

Smith ; Eriksen An ethnic group is a form of social organisation, where membership is a function of "ascription and identification by the actors themselves" Barth a See sarkl Eriksenand where the members are conscious about forming a separate cultural and historical group cf. Smith To Barth ibid. De Voson the other hand, emphasises self-ascription as the most crucial aspect for any understanding of kel.

The way members of an ethnic group mark boundaries between Us and Them, is by communicating cultural differences cf. Eriksen Ethnic groups are thus primarily self-defining entities, and it is the communication of cultural differences which becomes crucial in the relation between ethnic groups, and not different ritual statuses. This is a central point which I will explore throughout the thesis.

Towards an Analytical Concept Empty of Substantial Content The concept "ethnicity" has been used to explain such a great variety of social phenomena that Abner Cohen warned against the concept "becoming a fetish" Since the concept in many ways became a "fetish" and used in popular discourse as well as in political rhetorics, some scholars have suggested to replace it with the more comprehensive concept of classification cf.

Eriksen, however, defends the analytical use of the concept of ethnicity and suggests that it should be taken to mean "the systematic and enduring social reproduction of basic classificatory differences between of people who perceive each other as being culturally discrete" ibid. This is a formalist approach discree goes back to the one suggested discgete Barth b.

This approach replaced the earlier substantivist focus on group characteristics and made it possible to view ethnicity discrrte. When I use the concept ethnicity analytically, it is in this meaning of the term. It is, however, important to distinguish between an analytic approach to ethnicity and an emic chqt, which is often substantivist mhel essentialising. The ideas launched in Barth b led to many theoretical eex methodological contributions on how one best can hcat ethnic phenomena.

When it comes to the analysis of ethnic identity formation, for instance, the subjective rationale for ethnic allegiances is emphasised. To the Lue, on the other hand, the question of who they are may be crucial, something which indicates the need to separate analytically between ethnicity as ethnic identity formation and ethnicity as a an aspect of group mobilisation ethnic incorporation.

Some scholars consider cat as a political phenomenon and relate ethnicity to group competition over scarce resources. Cohen ; Despres a and c. Roosens sarkk focuses on the manipulation of ethnic identities for political purposes. Ethnic groups, according to Roosens, are "pressure groups with a noble face" ibid. An emphasis on the political aspect of ethnicity is useful when it comes to the pan-Tharus who now make ethnic membership relevant for their inn activities.

Processes whereby ethnic factors become increasingly central for mobilisation and t political action are commonly termed ethnic incorporation cf.

Eidheim b; Handelman The political purposes inherent in the pan-Tharu movement is something I will come back to in Part Two. To see ethnicity as solely a political phenomenon is an oversimplification. Ethnicity is also tied chqt aspects of meaning cf.

Discrete sex chat in sarki khel i am searching sexual dating

De Vos and Romanucci-Rosswhich may vary according to contexts. Many scholars started to emphasise the social situation when studying ethnicity. Eidheim b kn, for instance, analyses the different social situations in which ethnicity and ethnic phenomena occur among the Sami people of northern Norway. See also Okamura [] for the relevance of a situational approach in studies of ethnicity and ethnic relations.

In my analysis of Tharu ethnic identity formation, the question of self-ascription becomes fundamental. According to Guneratne, Tharu ethnicity exists on two levels cf. Guneratne One is a modern pan-identity, and the other is locally tied to the particular endogamous group. This corresponds inn what McDonaugh has described as a modern and traditional form of identity among the Dangora Tharu cf.

McDonaugh The new, modern, explicit form of identity is restricted to a small part of the population, mostly the young and educated. The traditional form, which is weaker and more implicit, prevails among the majority of the population ibid. There are thus different levels of Tharu ethnicity, and the articulation of Tharu ethnic consciousness and ethnic commitment varies greatly between the modernised Tharu elite and the majority of the Tharus on a grassroot level Guneratne In order to compare these various levels of social identification - an identification with a localised group versus an identification with a more abstract "imagined community", it is necessary to observe and compare how Tharus on a local level relate to, and express, their identity.

By observing inter-ethnic and intra-caste encounters in Geti, my village of residence, I could grasp the various forms of articulation and thereby come to terms with the subjective meaning lying behind cf. Eidheim a; Berreman ; Eriksen ssex Forms and contexts for social interaction will be discussed in chapters 3 and 4. Among the Tharus, as in many other cases see Brassthe elite are the principal agents in the process of ethnic incorporation. Mobilisation of ethnic groups is often governed by leaders with a political entreprise to forward and not dicrete an expression of the cultural ideology of the group or popular will cf.

Barth a. It is discrete sex chat in sarki khel important to study the role of the entrepreneur in ethnopolitics ibid.

See also Thuen The Tharu elite possesses what Smith has called "ethnic consciousness", something which he explains as the stage in which a group knows about and manages to communicate shared myths and historical memories ibid. I will introduce the Tharu elite and its strategies in Chapter 5. But before I go any further, it is necessary to look closer into the Adivaasi concept, a concept which has become important for the Tharu elite in their political activity.

The Tharu elite do not only represent themselves as an ethnic entity - they also define themselves as an indigenous group, Adivaasi, and identify with indigenous people elsewhere in the world. The emphasis on a Tharu cultural distinctiveness does not prevent these actors from identifying with a much more abstract "imagined community" on a global level.

Both caste and ethnicity can be studied as schema for exclusion and inclusion. These distinctions are considered to be based on different cultural criteria, which are complementary and not necessarily hierarchically ranked. Membership in an ethnic group is, to a great extent, based on subjective identification cf. Castes, on the other hand, are groups which are hierarchically ranked according to their relative ritual purity.

Although there might be disagreements about each group's status within a caste structure, these are nevertheless based upon a shared cultural and ideological framework. Moreover, membership in a caste is not so much based discrete sex chat in sarki khel subjective identification as membership in an ethnic group, but it may be a social category one is ascribed to by others.

Tribes and Indigenous Peoples "After all, most people in India and Nepal were, if one could push history back far enough, tribal in origin" N. Allen In India and Nepal "tribes" were distinguished from "Hindus" cf. Guneratne ; Bates The groups which consider themselves to be Adivaasi correspond thus to a large extent with those labelled "tribal".

A of groups within the hierarchy of the Muluki Ain the Matwalis are usually denoted as ethnic groups in the anthropological literature on Nepal.

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These groups were earlier talked about as "tribes". Half of the population in Nepal was described as "tribal", whereas the other half was described as "caste" or "Hindu" Guneratne There was, however, no traditional indigenous way of referring to the distinction between "caste", "Hindu" and "tribe", nor between "caste" and ethnic group. A common way for scholars to distinguish "tribes" from "castes", was in terms of social organisation.

Bailey ; Sinha ; Kolenda in the sense that they were not integrated with others in a caste system. Kolenda Furthermore, in contrast to the hierarchically ranked caste groups, "tribal" societies were considered to be egalitarian and undifferentiated cf.

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Sarkl Discrehe criterion which frequently reappeared, refers to the treatment of women cf. Discrete sex chat in sarki khel Female roles and statuses are often central when it comes to the ways in which members across and within "castes" and "tribes" describe themselves and others cf. Many scholars have ordered "caste" and "tribal" modes of organisation chronologically, and described in an evolutionary perspective the process whereby a "tribe" became a "caste" cf.

The idea was that the "tribe" existed first, but as Hindu village chxt was established, the tribe became a caste. This evolutionary dichotomy has been abandoned, and it is now common to consider castes and tribes as of a continuum rather than separate dichotomies Gellner Tribes, castes and ethnic groups coexist, and they even coexist within one and the same community, such as the Santal cf. Orans The Hindu-tribal synthesis, Saarki points out, is a fact of Nepal's historicity.

When it comes to the term "indigenous peoples" as a self-chosen form of identity, it is largely a result of its currency in contemporary international legal and institutional activities cf. Gray et al.

Discrete sex chat in sarki khel

After the Indian independence, for instance, various systems of reservations for low castes, tribes and other "backward" castes and classes have been introduced. This is known as the Indian quota system. The Tharus in India disceete given special treatment according to the various classifications made by the authorities. Inthey were classified as a "scheduled caste", whereas in they were categorised as a "backward class".

Sincethe Tharus - together with five other "tribes" in Uttar Pradesh - were declared an indigenous people and "scheduled dscrete Adivaasi. The Tharus of Champaran India first refused to be labelled Adivaasi but later saw the advantage by being classified as such Guneratne Many other so-called "tribes" have started to call themselves Adivaasi and mobilised politically into what is known as the Adivaasi movements.

Grayand we have to understand the kel as "a political ,hel operating as an imperative term ddiscrete a growing social movement" ibid. In order to prove their Adivaasi status, it has become important to the Tharu elite to trace a non-Hindu and thereby "tribal" past. A "new" myth of origin has therefore come in as an important argument, and the Tharu elite go back to old written sources where Tharus have been represented as a "primitive tribe" which was not yet "Hinduised".

I will discuss this in Chapter 6. The eclectic nature of Hinduism, however, makes sarrki difficult to distinguish Adivaasi communities from Hindu peasant communities in terms of their religion cf. Batessee also Chapter 6. Many Discrete sex chat in sarki khel were once regarded as Hindus, and only because they found it advantageous, started to call themselves Adivaasis Sinha ; Bates Barth has pointed to the important role global discourses have come to play in processes of identity formation.

When, for instance, indigenous people struggle in order to achieve a negotiating position, it is very often global discourses which define the arena cf. Barth Ethnic revitalisation and ethnopolitical mobilisation are often of globalisation and processes of modernisation, understood as the importance of capitalism, the overarching role of bureaucratic institutions and the growth of mass education Eriksen See also Gellner ; Smith ; Anderson And changes in ethnic identity are often precipitated by radical changes in the political contexts in which people live cf.

Keyes a After the political and democratic shift in it has become possible and meaningful for Tharus and other communities in Nepal to link themselves to external global discourses, such as the ones on human rights and indigenous peoples' rights. A democratic system has also made it possible to form organisations based on ethnic principles. With its political and legal implications, the concept adivaasi has become useful for political actors. The term tribe, which denotes a culturally distinct and localised, territory-bound group, does not have the same political and legal implications.

The Tharus have been described according to the various understandings of the term. Jaat, in other words, is a problematic concept which needs clarification. The Pahaari castes are best described in the Muluki Ain and individually mentioned. The Pahaari Brahmins are the highest ranked Brahmins in Nepal. The Thakuri castes, from which originates the royal dynasty, are ranked second, whereas the Chhetris, who dominate among higher officials and army officers, are ranked after the Brahmins and Thakuris see figure Jaat can also mean a "caste-internal status group".

Such a group does not necessarily correspond to a commensal or endogamous unit jaat as defined in 1. The Tharus as a whole form one jaat, but the various endogamous Tharu groups Rana, Dangora, Kathariya etc. Even within these endogamous Tharu subgroups, there are also hierarchically ranked subcastes. The Rana Tharus of the far west, for instance, have internally ranked subgroups known as kuri that are talked about and conceptualised as jaat.

In some cases jaat denotes an ethnically culturally and linguistically distinct group which can embrace several castes, such as the Newars. The Muluki Ain speaks of the Newar jaat in the sense of ethnic group, but describes their internal stratification also jaat in the meaning caste. Finally, jaat is used in the sense of legal status in general. The Muluki Ain functioned as a legal code which regulated punishments according to jaat status.

Guneratne suggests to replace the word jaat with the term ethnic group Guneratne As they were laid down in the Muluki Ain, the jaat were not based on subjective identification. Although some jaats may be called ethnic groups, I find it problematic to start calling all of them ethnic groups. Subjective identification is crucial for membership in an ethnic group cf.

That means to be "conscious of a solidarity due to a mostly mythical common ancestry and of sharing specific linguistic and cultural phenomena" ibid. The ethnonym Tharu, as it was used in the terminology of the Muluki Ain, represented the Tharus as a single caste, but this was not based on subjective identification, or dialectical or cultural features.

Some of the effects of the Muluki Ain was, to discrete sex chat in sarki khel Andersonthat it made it possible to "say of anything that it was this, not that; it belonged here, not there" ibid. Although a collective pan-Tharu identity, one may argue, dates from the time of the Muluki Ain, it rests to be seen whether this identity becomes internalised as an ethnic identity most Tharus will identify with.

Whether the Tharus are transforming from various distinct castes into an ethnic group is the problem I will discuss in this thesis. To what extent is a process of ethnic incorporation taking place among the various Tharu groups in the Tarai? I will attempt to answer this by tracing the different ways in which identity is formed and expressed among the Tharus living in Kailali district and relate this to the formation of various ethno-political organisations.

I will now turn to the methodological approaches used in my study. In the Field Due to the large-scale immigration of Pahaaris people from the adjacent hill districtsas well as by Tharus from the districts to the east, Kailali has become an "ethnic cauldron". In addition to the theoretical interests, there were also some practical considerations involved with my choice of fieldsite. The Nepalese antropologist Ganesh Man Gurung, see acknowledgements had earlier done fieldwork among the Tharus in Kailali, and he knew many people there.

I had also been in Kailali during my visit in Nepal inwhere I had met "Madame", 16 the Danish woman who for many years worked at the eye hospital near Dhangadhi, the administrative centre of Kailali district. This hospital was for long run by the Norwegian Church Aid. I was curious to see whether such a Tharu-based organisation would stimulate the development of a Tharu ethnic consciousness and thereby help in the formation of a collective ethnic identity see e.

Eidheim It was in the middle of the rainy season, and due to the unhealthy climate as well as communication problems, we decided not to go down to the Tarai. Another and more important reason for staying in Kathmandu, however, was to acquire some basic knowledge of Nepali. Together with Tove, I had private lessons with a Nepali teacher every morning. And at Tribhuvan University, I found Tharu and other relevant literature which had not been available in Norway.

In late September Tove and I arrived at the airport outside Dhangadhi. Ganesh and some of his local friends were waiting for us, and, together with them, we visited several villages near Dhangadhi the next couple of days. However, we came to know about a BASE office nearby the eye hospital. The head of this BASE office, who was very helpful, took me around to several such villages the following day. I finally decided to settle in Geti, the neighbouring village of the hospital.

In this village, there were two BASE classes running in the evenings; one for women and one for boys. But the ideological fetaures mentioned above will - at certain points or in certain regions - be missing. To explain caste, therefore, is to explain why and when all of these ideological features are found together when only some of them are found elsewhere Dumont See also Kolenda ; Quigley This is expressed ideologically in rituals, but it also structures social relations cf.

Dumont ; Quigley There are thus restrictions on commensality between members of different castes, and in various contexts such as those concerned with food, sex and rituala member of a "higher" caste may be ritually polluted by either direct or indirect contact with a member of a "lower" caste. A caste, or a subsection of itis, for reasons given above, usually endogamous.

The caste system is, however, not a closed institution with no possibility of individual mobility cf. Inden ; Srinivas Social mobility has been and is possible, and many studies have shown how various castes have improved their social status within the caste hierarchy. Such processes are known as "Sanskritisation" cf. Srinivaswhich is explained as "the acceptance of the rites, beliefs, ideas, and values of the great tradition of Hinduism as embodied in the sacred books" ibid.

Bailey Common for both "Sanskritisation" and caste-climbing, is that they are mostly in accordance with Vedic Hinduism and the classical varna ideology. In a caste system, groups are ranked hierarchically according to their relative ritual purity. This ranking is defined on the basis of a common ideology, something which distinguishes a caste system from other multi-ethnic sytems. Although members of castes also sometimes describe their sense of distance from other castes in terms of culture or values, there is not much to gain in starting to call castes ethnic groups cf.

Searle-Chatterjee and Sharma Ethnicity and the Communication of Cultural Differences The term ethnic group has become well-established in anthropological writings on Nepal. It has replaced the term "tribe", which was commonly used to denote culturally distinct groups, which were not integrated in a caste system. Some authors on Nepal have used the term ethnic group as an antonym of caste or caste society in the same sense as the term "tribe" is employed with reference to India.

See below Like castes, membership in an ethnic group is also ascribed by birth. But as a form of social organisation, an ethnic group differs from that of a caste. Castes, I have argued, are ranked hierarchically according to ritual status, whereas ethnic groups regard themselves as culturally distinct social groupings cf. Smith ; Eriksen An ethnic group is a form of social organisation, where membership is a function of "ascription and identification by the actors themselves" Barth a See also Eriksenand where the members are conscious about forming a separate cultural and historical group cf.

Smith To Barth ibid. De Voson the other hand, emphasises self-ascription as the most crucial aspect for any understanding of ethnicity. The way members of an ethnic group mark boundaries between Us and Them, is by communicating cultural differences cf. Eriksen Ethnic groups are thus primarily self-defining entities, and it is the communication of cultural differences which becomes crucial in the relation between ethnic groups, and not different ritual statuses.

This is a central point which I will explore throughout the thesis.

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Towards an Analytical Concept Empty of Substantial Content The concept "ethnicity" has been used to explain such a great variety of social phenomena that Abner Cohen warned against the concept "becoming a fetish" Since the concept in many ways became a "fetish" and used in popular discourse as well as in political rhetorics, some scholars have suggested to replace it with the more comprehensive concept of classification cf. Eriksen, however, defends viscrete analytical use didcrete the concept of ethnicity and suggests that it should be taken to mean "the systematic and enduring social reproduction of basic classificatory differences between of people who ni each other as being culturally discrete" ibid.

This is a formalist approach which goes back to the one suggested in Barth b. This approach replaced the earlier substantivist focus on group characteristics and lhel it possible to view ethnicity comparatively. When I use the concept ethnicity analytically, it is in this meaning of the term. It is, however, important to distinguish between an analytic approach to ethnicity and an emic perception, which is often substantivist and essentialising. The ideas launched in Barth b led xiscrete many theoretical and methodological contributions on how one best can study ethnic phenomena.

When it comes to the analysis of ethnic identity formation, for instance, the subjective rationale cyat ethnic allegiances is emphasised. To the Lue, on the other hand, the question of who they are may be crucial, something which indicates the need to separate analytically between ethnicity as ethnic identity formation and ethnicity as a an aspect of group mobilisation ethnic incorporation. Some scholars consider ethnicity as a political phenomenon and relate ethnicity discretr group competition over scarce resources.

Cohen ; Despres a and c. Roosens also focuses on the manipulation of ethnic identities for political purposes. Ethnic groups, according to Roosens, are "pressure groups with a noble face" ibid. An emphasis on the political aspect of ethnicity is discrete sex chat in sarki khel when it comes to the pan-Tharus who now make ethnic membership relevant for their political activities. Processes whereby ethnic factors become increasingly central for mobilisation and t political action are commonly termed ethnic incorporation cf.

Discrete sex chat in sarki khel

Eidheim b; Handelman The political purposes inherent in the pan-Tharu movement is something I will come back to in Part Two. To see ethnicity as solely a political phenomenon is an oversimplification. Ethnicity is also tied to aspects of meaning cf. De Vos and Romanucci-Rosswhich may vary according to contexts. Many scholars started to emphasise the social situation when studying ethnicity. Eidheim bfor instance, analyses the different social situations in which ethnicity and ethnic phenomena occur among the Sami people of northern Norway.

See also Okamura [] for the relevance of a situational approach in studies of ethnicity and ethnic relations. In my analysis of Tharu ethnic identity formation, the question of self-ascription becomes fundamental. According to Guneratne, Tharu ethnicity exists on two levels cf. Guneratne One is a modern pan-identity, and the other is locally tied to the particular endogamous group. This corresponds to what McDonaugh has described as a modern and traditional form of identity among the Dangora Tharu cf.

McDonaugh The new, modern, explicit form of identity is restricted to a small part of the population, mostly the young and educated. The traditional form, which is weaker and more implicit, prevails among the majority of the population ibid. There are thus different levels of Tharu ethnicity, and the articulation of Tharu ethnic consciousness and ethnic commitment varies greatly between the modernised Tharu elite and the majority of the Tharus on a grassroot level Guneratne In order to compare these various levels of social identification - an identification with a localised group versus an identification with a more abstract "imagined community", it is necessary to observe and compare how Tharus on a local level relate to, and express, their identity.

By observing inter-ethnic and intra-caste encounters in Geti, my village of residence, I could grasp the various forms of articulation and thereby come to terms with the subjective meaning lying behind cf. Eidheim a; Berreman ; Eriksen Forms and contexts for social interaction will be discussed in chapters 3 and 4. Among the Tharus, as in many other cases see Brassthe elite are the principal agents in the process of ethnic incorporation. Mobilisation of ethnic groups is often governed by leaders with a political entreprise to forward and not necessarily an expression of the cultural ideology of the group or popular will cf.

Barth a. It is therefore important to study the role of the entrepreneur in ethnopolitics ibid. See also Thuen The Tharu elite possesses what Smith has called "ethnic consciousness", something which he explains as the stage in which a group knows about and manages to communicate shared myths and historical memories ibid. I will introduce the Tharu elite and its strategies in Chapter 5.

But before I go any further, it is necessary to look closer into the Adivaasi concept, a concept which has become important for the Tharu elite in their political activity. The Tharu elite do not only represent themselves as an ethnic entity - they also define themselves as an indigenous group, Adivaasi, and identify with indigenous people elsewhere in the world. The emphasis on a Tharu cultural distinctiveness does not prevent these actors from identifying with a much more abstract "imagined community" on a global level.

Both caste and ethnicity can be studied as schema for exclusion and inclusion. These distinctions are considered to be based on different cultural criteria, which are complementary and not necessarily hierarchically ranked. Membership in an ethnic group is, to a great extent, based on subjective identification cf.

Castes, on the other hand, are groups which are hierarchically ranked according to their relative ritual purity. Although there might be disagreements about each group's status within a caste structure, these are nevertheless based upon a shared cultural and ideological framework. Moreover, membership in a caste is not so much based on subjective identification as membership in an ethnic group, but it may be a social category one is ascribed to by others.

Tribes and Indigenous Peoples "After all, most people in India and Nepal were, if one could push history back far enough, tribal in origin" N. Allen In India and Nepal "tribes" were distinguished from "Hindus" cf. Guneratne ; Bates The groups which consider themselves to be Adivaasi correspond thus to a large extent with those labelled "tribal".

A of groups within the hierarchy of the Muluki Ain the Matwalis are usually denoted as ethnic groups in the anthropological literature on Nepal. These groups were earlier talked about as "tribes". Half of the population in Nepal was described as "tribal", whereas discrete sex chat in sarki khel other half was described as "caste" or "Hindu" Guneratne There was, however, no traditional indigenous way of referring to the distinction between "caste", "Hindu" and "tribe", nor between "caste" and ethnic group.

A common way for scholars to distinguish "tribes" from "castes", was in terms of social organisation. Bailey ; Sinha ; Kolenda in the sense that they were not integrated with others in a caste system. Kolenda Furthermore, in contrast to the hierarchically ranked caste groups, "tribal" societies were considered to be egalitarian and undifferentiated cf.

Discrete sex chat in sarki khel

Unnithan Another criterion which frequently reappeared, refers to the treatment of women cf. Gellner Female roles and statuses are often sraki when it comes to the ways in which members across and within "castes" and "tribes" describe themselves and others cf. Many scholars have ordered "caste" and "tribal" modes of organisation chronologically, and described in an evolutionary perspective the process whereby a "tribe" became khfl "caste" cf.

The idea was that the "tribe" existed first, but as Hindu village life was established, the tribe became a caste. This evolutionary dichotomy has been abandoned, and it is now common to consider castes and disctete as of a continuum rather than separate dichotomies Gellner Tribes, castes and ethnic groups coexist, and they even coexist within one and the same community, such as the Santal cf. Orans The Hindu-tribal synthesis, Sharma points out, is a fact of Nepal's historicity.

When it comes to the term chxt peoples" as a self-chosen form of identity, it is largely a result of its currency in contemporary international legal and institutional activities cf.

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Gray et al. After the Indian independence, for instance, various systems of reservations for low castes, tribes and other "backward" castes and classes have been introduced. This is swx as the Indian quota system. The Tharus in India were given special treatment according to the various classifications made by the authorities. Inthey were classified as a "scheduled caste", whereas in they were categorised as a "backward class".

Tibetan sources for a social history of mustang, vol. 1: the archive of te

Sincethe Tharus - together with five other "tribes" in Uttar Pradesh - khe, declared an indigenous people and "scheduled tribe" Adivaasi. The Tharus of Champaran India first refused to be labelled Adivaasi but later saw the advantage by cht classified discrete sex chat in sarki khel such Guneratne Many other so-called "tribes" have started to call themselves Adivaasi and mobilised politically into what is known as the Adivaasi movements.

Grayand we have to understand the term as "a political tool operating as an imperative term within a growing social movement" ibid. In order to prove their Adivaasi status, it has become important to the Tharu elite to trace a non-Hindu and thereby "tribal" past. A "new" myth of origin has therefore come in as an important argument, and the Tharu elite go back to old written sources where Tharus have been represented as a "primitive tribe" which was not yet "Hinduised".

I will discuss this in Chapter 6.

Discrete sex chat in sarki khel

The eclectic nature of Hinduism, however, makes it difficult to distinguish Adivaasi communities from Hindu peasant communities in terms of their religion cf. Batessee also Chapter 6. Many Adivaasis were once regarded as Hindus, and only because they found it advantageous, started to call themselves Adivaasis Sinha ; Bates Barth has pointed to the important role global discourses have come to play in processes of identity formation. When, for instance, indigenous people struggle in order to achieve a negotiating position, it is very often disrete discourses which define the arena cf.

Barth Ethnic revitalisation and ethnopolitical chhat are often of globalisation and processes of modernisation, understood as the importance of capitalism, the overarching role of bureaucratic institutions and the growth of mass education Eriksen See also Gellner ; Smith ; Anderson And changes in ethnic discrte are often precipitated by radical changes in the political contexts in which people live cf. Keyes a After the political and democratic shift in it has become possible and meaningful for Tharus and other communities in Nepal to link themselves to external global discourses, such as the ones on human rights and indigenous peoples' rights.

A democratic system has also made it possible to form organisations based on ethnic sdx. With its political and legal implications, the concept adivaasi has become useful for political actors. The term tribe, which denotes a culturally distinct and localised, sarli group, does not have the same political and legal implications. The Tharus have been described according to the various understandings of the term.

Jaat, in other words, is a problematic concept which needs clarification. The Pahaari castes are best described in the Muluki Ain and individually mentioned. The Pahaari Brahmins are the disctete ranked Brahmins se Nepal. The Thakuri castes, from which originates the royal dynasty, are ranked second, whereas the Chhetris, who dominate among higher officials and army officers, are ranked after the Brahmins and Thakuris see figure Jaat can also mean a "caste-internal status group".

Such a group does not necessarily correspond to a commensal xhat endogamous unit jaat as defined in 1. The Tharus as a whole form one jaat, but the various endogamous Tharu groups Rana, Dangora, Kathariya etc. Even within these endogamous Tharu subgroups, there are also hierarchically ranked subcastes. The Rana Tharus of the far west, for instance, have internally ranked subgroups known as kuri that are talked about and conceptualised as jaat. In some cases jaat denotes an ethnically culturally and linguistically distinct group which can embrace several castes, such as the Newars.

The Muluki Ain speaks of the Newar jaat in the sense of ethnic group, but describes their internal discrete sex chat in sarki khel also jaat in the meaning caste. Finally, jaat is ln in the sense of legal status in general. The Muluki Ain functioned as a legal code which regulated punishments according to jaat status. Guneratne suggests to replace the word jaat with the term ethnic group Guneratne As they were laid down in the Muluki Ain, the jaat were not based on subjective identification.

Although some jaats kheo be called ethnic groups, I find it problematic to start calling all of them ethnic groups. Subjective identification is crucial for membership in an ethnic group cf. Kbel means to be "conscious of a solidarity due to a mostly mythical common ancestry and of sharing specific linguistic and cultural phenomena" ibid.

The ethnonym Tharu, as it was used in the terminology of the Muluki Ain, represented the Tharus as a single caste, but this was not based on subjective chah, or dialectical or cultural features.

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Some of the effects of the Muluki Ain ddiscrete, to quote Andersonthat it made it possible to chatt of anything that it was this, not that; it belonged here, not there" ibid. Although a collective pan-Tharu identity, one may argue, dates from the time of the Muluki Ain, it rests to be seen whether this identity becomes internalised as an ethnic identity most Tharus will identify with. Whether the Tharus are transforming from various distinct castes into an ethnic group is the problem I will discuss in this thesis.

To what extent is a process of ethnic incorporation taking place among the various Tharu groups in the Tarai? I will attempt to answer this by tracing the different ways in which identity is formed chzt expressed among the Tharus living in Kailali district and relate this to the formation of various ethno-political organisations. I will now turn to the methodological approaches used in my study. In the Field Due to the large-scale immigration of Pahaaris people from the adjacent hill districtsas well as by Tharus from the districts to the east, Kailali has become an "ethnic cauldron".

In addition to the theoretical interests, there were also some practical considerations involved with my choice of fieldsite. The Nepalese antropologist Ganesh Man Gurung, see acknowledgements had earlier done fieldwork among the Tharus in Kailali, and he knew many people there. I had also been in Kailali during my visit in Nepal inwhere I had met cht, 16 ib Danish woman who for many years worked at the eye hospital near Dhangadhi, the administrative centre of Kailali district. This chta was for long run by the Norwegian Church Aid.

I was curious to see whether such a Tharu-based organisation would stimulate the development of a Tharu ethnic consciousness and thereby help discrete sex chat in sarki khel the formation of a collective ethnic identity see e.

Discrete sex chat in sarki khel

Eidheim It was in the middle of the rainy season, and due to the unhealthy climate as well as communication problems, we decided not to go down to the Tarai.

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